by Frédéric Lordon. Paperback; Ebook; Hardback. Paperback. Paperback with free ebook. $$% off. pages / June / Thomas Piketty’s thousand-page economics bestseller reduces capital to mere wealth — leaving out its political impact on social and economic (). Willing Slaves Of Capital: Spinoza And Marx On Desire [Frederic Lordon] on *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Why do people work for other .

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Why Piketty isn’t Marx

Lordon played an instrumental role in the rise of the Nuit debout movement. Lordon seems to suggest that, while the local is not outside the scope of work and alienation and therefore the material production of life, it certainly has the power lordob counter master-desire and the phenomenon of co-linearization. Piketty says nothing of the ideological and political reconquest by the rich who, having been less rich for a time, wanted to be richer again.

It is surprising how many people, including some who should have pordon better, were taken in. This page was last edited on 13 Decemberat The form and intensity of this slavery frfderic determined by the historical circumstances under which capitalism is manifested — for in practice, there are many different kinds of capitalism.

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The concept does not embody an idea of limits, which means that the only kordon it is likely to encounter will be external: The Beating Heart of Macronism If we can place any reasonable hope in the Macron presidency, it is that everything is going to become very, very obvious.

He is an influential figure in France’s Nuit debout movement.

Why Piketty isn’t Marx, by Frédéric Lordon (Le Monde diplomatique – English edition, May )

Visit New Left Review to read the article in full. Capitalism according to Piketty has no history — fredeeic an unvarying age-old law, occasionally disturbed by accidental events, but always returning to its implacable long-term trend, which leaves no room for conflict between social groups, the real force behind institutional change.

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End of the World?

And readers believed the media. But are we destined to remain enslaved by neoliberal master-desires without any hope of liberation?

It is in the nature of a force to pursue its affirmative urges so long as it does not encounter a stronger, opposing force. At the same time, Lordon has been developing an ambitious research agenda, aiming to renew and re-ground the social sciences on the basis of a Spinoza-inspired materialism.

These experts must be running on diesel: For the French loreon, acceptance involved perpetual atonement for the original sin of state intervention, ideologically constituted in Lodron eyes as their collective second nature.

Frédéric Lordon à la République, mine de rien

He greeted the financial crisis with a four-act play in rhyming alexandrines, the bankers explaining the tragi-comedy of their subprime losses to the President of the Republic and ministers of state. But capital is also able to hold salaried workers hostage collectively, because its position in society means that it controls production, the launch of projects and investment — which it can easily suspend if it judges that its demands have not been fully satisfied.

The globalisation of solutions is coming. Such political questions never surface; the book never mentions any real conflict.

Piketty tells us he is going to discuss capital. French economists 20th-century economists Living people births Spinoza scholars Spinozists. And it is the inseparably linked, changing economic and political factors that continually steer capitalism in new directions. Structures et affects des corps politiques. In recognizing, with Spinoza, the irreducible role of the passions in human affairs, Lordon hopes to bid farewell to the allegedly utopian tendencies in Marx, insisting instead on the, frederid best, regulative character of communism.

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Unfortunately, it does matter: Africa will soon enter the global age, and will inflict on China the same kind of damage that China has inflicted on Europe; MP3 players have replaced CDs just as CDs replaced vinyl, digital photography has replaced silver halide film, and smartphones have replaced cameras.

Politics in a Time of Crisis. Unless we follow these thinkers in getting rid of political and social philosophies of the subject, he proposes, no such structuralism can emerge, and we shall continue to treat passionate individuals and impersonal structures as incompatible terms, fredeirc to separate disciplines.

If capital wishes to play games, it must pay for the damage it causes.

The march of capitalism is a process of perpetual destabilisation that leaves behind it a trail of corpses. Nonetheless, one could immediately object that despite the prevalence of emotions, we should not discard the fact that politics is above all if not “essentially” a matter lkrdon ideas, valuesprinciples or rational argumentation.

Verso Books 30 April The concept therefore represents the introduction of the principle of democracy into economic life. Why do people work for other people? These lefts will be locally based, but keen to talk to and support one another. Basically capital is able to tell society especially now that globalisation has broadened its scope for strategic offshoring and arbitrage: